A Specter of justice
I’ve always held out Arlen Specter (Sen. PA) as an example of everything a moderate should be. I’ve admired his insight and his dedication to principle in an unprincipled venue for years. But no more. Today his editorial in the Washington Post opened my eyes. It was disingenuious at best and at worst covertly partisan and manipulative. I’m not an experienced fisker, but let’s take a closer look at what Sen. Specter has to say.
Surveillance We Can Live With
By Arlen Specter
Monday, July 24, 2006
Washington PostPresident Bush’s electronic surveillance program has been a festering sore on our body politic since it was publicly disclosed last December. Civil libertarians, myself included, have insisted that the program must be subject to judicial review to ensure compliance with the Fourth Amendment.
Good lead paragraph. I’m nodding in agreement.
The president has insisted that he was acting lawfully within his constitutional responsibilities. On its face, the program seems contrary to the plain text of the 1978 Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA), which regulates domestic national security wiretapping. The president argues, however, that his inherent constitutional powers supersede the statute. Without knowing the exact contours of the program, it’s impossible to say whether he is right or wrong. But three federal appeals court decisions suggest the president may be right.
So far, so good. He’s just reporting the facts and making an attempt at some active listening with no value judgments. “On its face” is a hedge, however. The first of many to follow.
The integrity of our nation’s adherence to the rule of law requires an answer to the question of whether this program is legal. The protection of our nation’s security and individual rights requires a modification of the program if it is not lawful as currently fashioned. The challenge, which I have been trying to meet legislatively, is to structure a procedure under which the courts can adjudicate the lawfulness of this highly sensitive program while maintaining the secrecy the president contends is so important.
No major problems there. He wants what we all want, a determination of legality. However, he makes no call for an end to the program if it is illegal. Major hedge.
My bill, the result of months of negotiation with the administration, accomplishes this goal by authorizing consideration of the program by the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court (FISC), the court created under FISA to consider warrant applications. The FISC has the expertise to handle this question. Its closed proceedings and unblemished record for not leaking would make full consideration both possible and secure. Not only would the bill permit a determination of the program’s legality but if it were found unlawful in whole or in part, a framework would exist for modifying the program.
Now we’re getting down to specifics. The result of months of negotiation with the administration? Since must someone doing something of undetermined legality agree to allow it to be considered as a point of law?
And the big one: having the case heard by FISC, a court which itself which may itself be a violation of the 4th Amendment. No. Matters of constitutionality are to be decided by the US Supreme Court. Balance of power, anyone?
Critics complain that the bill acknowledges the president’s inherent Article II power and does not insist on FISA’s being the exclusive procedure for the authorization of wiretapping. They are wrong. The president’s constitutional power either exists or does not exist, no matter what any statute may say. If the appellate court precedents cited above are correct, FISA is not the exclusive procedure. If the president’s assertion of inherent executive authority meets the Fourth Amendment’s “reasonableness” test, it provides an alternative legal basis for surveillance, however FISA may purport to limit presidential power. The bill does not accede to the president’s claims of inherent presidential power; that is for the courts either to affirm or reject. It merely acknowledges them, to whatever extent they may exist.
Critics complain? And they’re wrong? It seems compromise and negotiation are a one-way street leading to the White House but not to other senators with concerns. They’re just whiners, not “deciders.”
I’ll also “complain” about this: “The president’s constitutional power either exists or does not exist, no matter what any statute may say.” If that is so, why hasn’t the administration called the consitutionality of the 1978 Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA) into question? Obviously they can’t, because the bill authorized the FISC in the first place. You can’t have it both ways.
The negotiations with administration officials and the president himself were fierce. The president understandably rejected a statutory mandate to submit his program to FISC, on the grounds that such a mandate could weaken the presidency institutionally by binding his successors. Indeed, such a mandate might not withstand a future president’s contention that it unconstitutionally limited his Article II powers to conduct surveillance without court approval. The president, however, did personally commit to submitting this program for court review should the bill pass. Even without a legal mandate, his sending this program to the FISC would be a powerful precedent to be considered by future presidents.
President Bush’s record of seeking to expand Article II power has been a hallmark of his administration. The president and vice president have vociferously argued that the administration had the authority for the program without any judicial review. Bush’s personal commitment to submit his program to FISC is therefore a major breakthrough.
The negotiations were fierce. Gee, aren’t we lucky that Sen. Specter is such a tough guy on our behalf. The president “understandably” rejected orders that he follow the law - obviously those insisting on it are unreasonable. But we have the presidents personal commitment to submit his program to the FISC, a secret court whose records are also secret and sealed. Guess we’d just have to take his word on the outcome then, huh. But that’s a “breakthrough?”
It is a preeminently fair compromise to condition that commitment on congressional approval of the negotiated legislation, which also modernizes FISA in important ways, giving the president added flexibility in protecting the country. The bill extends from three days to seven the time, in emergency situations, that the government can conduct surveillance without the court’s permission. It permits the attorney general to delegate his authority to seek emergency warrants to subordinate officials. And it exempts from FISA’s jurisdiction communications between two persons overseas that gets routed through domestic servers. The bill would also transfer the various lawsuits challenging the program to the FISC for consideration under its secure procedures.
So the bill also gives away the farm and passes the power to authorize surveillance way down the food chain. That way the Attorney General doesn’t have to dirty his hands. Best of all, it ends any dissent from other law suits (including perhaps the one against AT&T?) by tying it up in one neat package here.
In my opinion, it is intolerable to let this matter drift indefinitely. If someone has a better idea for legislation that would resolve the program’s legality or can negotiate a better compromise with the president, I will be glad to listen.
Of course no one else needs to “negotiate” with the president. You’ve already given him everything he wants. Thanks a lot, Sen. Specter.

