More thoughts on a privatized army
I read Ayn Rand at 13 and followed that up with an overdose of Taylor Caldwell. For years, I saw conspiracies behind every tree. In light of that, the great comments on “Did you catch this?” lead me to some deeper speculation.
Jeff’s suggestion of using illegal immigrants isn’t that far from being feasible. Already those who hold green cards and do not come from a blacklisted country can enlist in the military (though they cannot receive security clearances).
From Today’s Military:
Citizenship Requirements
U.S. citizens or Permanent Resident Aliens (people who have an INS I-151/I-551 “Green Card”) may join the U.S. Military.Non-citizens may enlist, but cannot reenlist (extend their enlistment beyond their first term of service) unless they become naturalized U.S. citizens. However, after service of three years, additional residency requirements for citizenship can be waived.
Fight and be rewarded with a shortcut to citizenship. It’s wouldn’t be much of a stretch to making signing up for the Civilian Reserve Corps a path to immigration amnesty for undocumented residents.
Another possibility is granting work visas to those in other countries in exchange for joining the Corps. Right now the requirement for a work visa is a shortage of American workers qualified to do a job. It’s currently used most often in technical fields, but there’s no reason that couldn’t be applied to soldiering, since we’ve already tapped out our volunteer army.
From the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services:
Temporary Workers
Overview
Employers who wish to hire foreign workers to temporarily perform services or labor or to receive training may file an I-129 petition. The I-129 is mainly used for nonimmigrant categories; thus, in most cases, workers who enter the United States under this petition must depart the U.S. when their maximum period of stay has been reached. Form I-129 may also be used to petition for an extension of stay or change of status for certain nonimmigrants.
Bluegrass Poet rightly identifies that this corps could become de facto mercenaries, whatever their origin. As non-enlisted personnel, they may not be subject to the Uniform Code of Military Justice, as has been the case with CIA interrogators and private security forces in Afghanistan and Iraq. Those contractors have been guilty of abuse before and are protected from charges in the countries in which the abuse occurs.
From CNN:
The most likely option, under the rules crafted by the U.S. occupation authority, is prosecution in U.S. civilian courts. Although the victims of abuse were Iraqi, the civilian contractors will probably not be punished in Iraq. Under an order issued last year, civilian contractors enjoy protection from local criminal prosecution, even for crimes such as murder, torture, and rape.
Last Thursday, Attorney General John Ashcroft announced that the Justice Department had jurisdiction to prosecute civilians implicated in crimes in Iraq. But whether these prosecutions will actually take place is far from clear.
Then there is the case of Jonathan Keith Idema, caught running a private prison in Afghanistan.
From the Christian Science Monitor:
Mr. Idema’s cloak-and-dagger world collapsed onto itself, as Afghan intelligence agents and police swarmed into Idema’s compound in a residential neighborhood of Kabul and placed him and two other Americans and four Afghans under arrest. What they found inside shocked them: a private prison, with eight Afghan prisoners, hung from the ceiling by their feet in makeshift torture chambers.
The arrest last week of Idema and the two other Americans - bounty hunters who passed themselves off as US special forces - comes at a difficult time for the Afghan government and for US diplomats here.
[snip]
The US embassy in Kabul has made intense efforts to distance itself from Idema, saying in a press release last week, “The public should be aware that Idema does not represent the American government and we do not employ him.” But the fact that both the US military and intelligence agencies make use of private contractors, increasingly so as America’s troop capacity is strained by wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, leads some to speculate that Idema’s case may not be isolated.
How many more of these abuses will we see if Bush’s program goes forward?
Then consider the role of the US military stateside. In event of an emergency or civil unrest, the National Guard may be mobilized to deal with the situation. Would the Civilian Reserve Corps also function in this capacity? Could Martial Law, complete with suspension of the writ of habeas corpus (which Attorney General Gonzales already claims is not a right at all), be declared with a private army to enforce it?
Each of these suppositions is more frightening than the one before it. We need to examine this proposal very carefully and fight it vigorously.

